CCHA Study Sessions,
37(1970), 1-10
Was there a Gregorian Reform
Movement
in the Eleventh Century?
by John GILCHRIST
Part I - The Gregorian Reform Movement in
History and with the Historians
(1)
If movements were simply a matter of counting
heads, then the Gregorian Reform Movement would emerge unscathed. I simply draw
your attention to the existence of the series known as the Studi Gregoriani
7 vols. (1947-1960). Under the editorship of the late G. B. Borino, this
series published some 100 articles by almost the same number of contributors.
Today the work is being revived under the editorship of Alfons Stickler, so we
can expect the momentum to be maintained.
Among medieval accounts of the Pope, the main
trend is towards eulogy. The trend is well summed up in the following lines from
the Gesta Roberti Wiscardi of William of
Apulia: -
At
this time there died at
But not all accounts were
favourable. At the other extreme is the scurrilous diatribe of Benzo of Albi who
saw Gregory VII as Prandellus, Manicheus, Merdiprandus, Sarabaita
Scariotheus, Sarabaita cinedus, collega Scariothei, facciosissimus monachus
Prandellus, falsa cuculla, diabolus cucullatus, falsissimus atque diabolicus
monachellus, stercorentius - the terms need not be translated.
(3) The truth about Gregory's character probably lies somewhere
between the two extremes. But it seems to me that two of the charges commonly
brought against Gregory VII by the Imperialists have never been satisfactorily
answered. The first charge is that his election in 1073 was illicit by
ecclesiastical law, and the second is that he plunged
To the objection that Gregory
had truth on his side, one could reply that, in terms of the law as it existed,
the Imperialists, as well as men like William I, had custom on their side when
they resisted many of the changes that were emanating from
Through Gregory investitures of churches were clearly emancipated from the hands
of rulers, free election by resumption of rights of the Roman pontiffs was
restored, church discipline that had so completely collapsed was made good, and
numerous other benefits brought about.
(8)
Writers such as Platyna stressed Gregory's defence
of the Roman Church and his stand against the German King as well as his
protection of the res ecclesisticæ.
(9) For this defence, Gregory is singled out for praise,
(10) and I suggest that what in effect was happening was that the
equation of Roman Church = Papacy = Christ was in process of being historicized,
and that the attempt by Gregory VII to enhance the Roman Church was regarded as
Christ's own mission. Today, with our increased knowledge of the extent to which
the Roman Church was influenced by the secular Roman Law and by the ancient
Imperialist Idea, we cannot as historians be so confident that the hierarchical
structure erected by Gregory VII and his successors, which has survived down to
the present day, is what Christ did intend, hence we cannot be so certain that
the opposition to the Gregorians was as much in the wrong as it has been made
out to be.
(11) However, I must point out that support for Gregory comes from
most unexpected quarters. Edward Gibbon could speak of the "austere and more
dangerous virtues of Gregory the Seventh and his successors" obliterating the
scandals of the previous century.
(12) Stubbs contrasted Henry IV's dissipated habits with "the
wholesome tonic" of Gregory's policy, and towards the end of the nineteenth
century there began to emerge the present day phraseology that associates
eleventh-century history with Gregorian Reform as though this constituted the
underlying force in Society.
(13) Duchesne spoke of "la renaissance grégorienne" and then of "la
réforme grégorienne" which became the classical phrase.
(14) Some historians of that period were even more lyrical: thus,
Rohrbacher saw Gregory as the author of designs that were not his but those of
Christ and hence they could not fail; he was the defender of Christendom against
the anti-Christ who was the Emperor. For other historians Gregory appeared as
the "saviour of society" and the greatest of all the popes.
(15)
But the dissenting voice was
never absent from the debate. Henry Charles Lea represented the minority view
summed up in his conclusion that when the pope had passed away he left to his
successors "the legacy of inextinguishable hate and unattained ambition."
(16) Catholic authors did not subscribe to that opinion, but they
recognized in Gregory certain contradictions that had to be explained. Take, for
example, the document known as the Dictatus pape.
(17) Commonly, this document is cited as the declaration of the
programme of Gregory VII.
(18) It contains such items as 1) The Roman Church was founded by
(our) Lord alone, and 2) Only the Roman pontiff can lawfully be called
universal. But certain of the claims, e.g. Cap. 8, "He alone may use the
imperial insignia," and 9, "The Pope is the only man whose feet all rulers
kiss," stand uneasily alongside the more practical claims of Cap. 12, "He can
depose emperors," and 13, "If necessary he can move bishops from one see to
another." If such is the programme of the Gregorian Reform Movement, then it
bears little relation either to the testimony of the chroniclers or to the
evidence of the canonical collections which emphasize the "programme" of
abolishing the triple abuse of clerical marriage, lay investiture and simony -
none of which are mentioned in the Dictatus pape.
(19)
The consequence of the
extremism of the Dictatus pape is interesting to observe. Several
historians denied the authorship of Gregory because they found the document
inconsistent with their view of what a papal reformer should be.
(20) Others found the very novelty of the claims a challenge to their
ingenuity in demonstrating the historical and legal precedents on which they
were based.
(21) But what we tend to forget is that some of Gregory's
contemporaries did not see the precedents in that way and they challenged the
Gregorians to make good their claims.
(22)
By the 1920's, however, the
pattern of historical explanation was becoming fixed. The appearance of Fliche's
work set Gregory apart from his predecessors and argued that, whatever had been
the efforts of popes like Leo IX, only in Gregory VII was centralisation finally
achieved and the various strands of half begun and barely completed reforms
brought together in his person. So that he truly challenged the abuses that
threatened the
Mi venne in mente, non mold mesi or sono, di invitare gli studiosi a ricordarlo
con una raccolta di scritti su di lui e in genere sulla Riforma the da lui
prende guistamente it nome. Nella storia della chiesa, Gregorio VII come è it
piu grande cosi è it Papa pin studiato. La Riforma Gregoriana è un fatto
complesso, di grandissima portata europea, oltre the di rinnovata vita religiosa
nella Chiesa.
(24)
Among the replies was the following, and we must
remember that this was written in the immediate post-war years: -
E
un omaggio al grande Papa, the ha saputo far intendere al mondo the gli Stati e
i Singoli devono sottomettersi alle leggi dells morale e alla giustizia: lezione
opportuna in tutti i tempi e oggi piu the mai.
(25)
With such views the pope passes out of history and
becomes part of a myth.
If one may summarize all these
concepts of the period - whether pro or anti-Gregory - one could say that they
all subscribe to a view of history in which the world view, the unity view, the
concept of history as moving from the many to the few, disorganization to
organization, localism to centralism, is stressed.
(26) Fortunately, other historians reacted to this approach, men like
Villante, who urged the unstructured nature of historical "patterns" in the
eleventh century and the presence of forces - socio-economic - that were
obstacles to the continued acceptance of the politico-religious structuralism
propounded by historians from Baronius down to Borino.
(27) But old views die hard, and you need only read the New
Catholic Encyclopedia (1967) articles on the Papacy and Gregory VII to realize
the difficulty of the historian today; thus J. Gaudement writes: -
Gregory VII, who has been made the patron of this movement, was neither its
initiator nor its final consummator. Yet the importance of his reign ...
[justifies] in large measure, the application of the adjective Gregorian to the
reforming movement.
(28)
We must ask whether there was
such a thing as a programme of reform. Hugh of Flavigny spoke of
Gregory as being moved by the apostolic authority and by the truth of the
fathers "to eliminate the heresy of simony and to enforce clerical chastity."
But admitting these were desirable aims, why call them a programme and why
attribute it to Gregory? For example, the chronicler writes of Leo IX that "from
him came a complete renewal of the church and its aims, and a new light was seen
to come forth in the world."
(29) And were not previous events equally decisive? For example, in
the epochal Decree of 1059 on Papal Elections or the correspondence of Leo IX
and Humbert of Silva-Candida in 1053/54 concerning the Greek Church, which
demonstrated a papal ideology as forthright and precise as any that is found in
Gregory.
(30)
Papal registers as an extant
and continuous series do not begin until the period of Innocent.
(31) Thus Gregory's register is a unique document, and I want to
suggest that it is this uniqueness that makes his pontificate unique. If the
registers of his predecessors had survived, then we would again have Gregory in
perspective. Borino himself gave several arguments, e.g. omission of extant
letters, letters lost and not cited in the register, and foreign pieces such as
1.19, 1.29a, which prove that Gregory's collection cannot have been an official
register of the Chancery.
(32) More recent thinking tends to see it as "an extract from a lost
chancery register, extracted for political purposes at a critical juncture under
Gregory VII's personal direction."
(33) The Dictatus pape finds few echoes in canonical
literature, the deposition of Henry IV is more often referred to simply as an
excommunication, which it was, in any case, and the famous Canossa incident is
sometimes overlooked in a surprising way, e.g. Hugh of Cluny's biographers make
no reference to it at all.
(34) The later Chronica minor auctoritate minorita Erphodiensi
hints at a darker and more superstitious and brutal age when its author
writes that "this pope rigorously prohibited auguries, sorceries, incantations
and magical arts" as part of his work.
(35)
Part II - Gregory VII and the Canonical
Collections 1073-1141
The Gregorian period has been
singled out by historians for its stress upon the recovery of law, so that we
speak of the beginnings of the science of canon law, the process that led
finally to the Decretum of Gratian in 1141.
(36) Most of this "recovery" has been forced into the same
hierarchical mould as the rest of the phenomena surrounding Gregory VII, and we
can therefore assume that, if there was such a thing as a Gregorian programme,
that is, something that appealed to his supporters and gave cohesion to the
so-called movement that spread throughout Europe, then it ought to be found in
the many collections of canon law that appeared in the period c. 1073 onwards.
Despite all the emphasis upon the reform and the law, however, almost nothing
has been done to make the collections available. The few published editions are
notoriously unreliable. Some indication of the extent to which the texts are
lacking is that Anselm's collection, which Thaner edited (1906-1915) as far as
Bk. 11, cap. 15, is still incomplete.
Three questions. If the
collections are a product of a movement that was tied up with Gregory VII, then
might we not expect substantial differences in form and content from earlier
collections? Some historians think not. Thus, Mor in his study of the
Anselmo dedicata, which was fairly widespread in North Italy at the
beginning of the eleventh century - in other words, long before the reform
period - states that it affirms the preeminent authority of the Holy See, the
episcopal hierarchy, respect for monasteries and monastic autonomy, and
insistence that secular law is part of the canon law.
(37) These concepts are very much like those commonly attributed to
the Gregorian programme in the wide sense of the phrase. Again, if the famous
collection of Burchard of Worms, compiled c. 1012, was unsuitable for the
reform, how do we explain the development in the late eleventh century of a type
of collection that combined Burchard (the old) with the Collection in
Seventy-four Titles (the new)?
(38) Of course, it is easy to call these non-reform collections, or
the collections of the epigoni, or anti-Gregorian, but the fact remains
that such collections did exist and that canonists thought them worthwhile
making.
(39) Perhaps we should forget about the so-called differences and see
more continuity and unity among the pre-Gratian collections than we have been
prepared to do. A third question concerns specific texts. Why do historians
spend so much time in discussing the deposition of Henry IV which does not find
its way into many collections, instead of concentrating upon such texts as the
Ps. Wido (= Epistola Pascasii pape) which is one of the most widespread
of all eleventh-century canonical capitula and clearly had a great
influence?
(40) The reason may be that these texts create difficulties for the
conventional world picture interpretation, so that it is better if they are left
alone!
I have examined 26 collections
from Italy, France, Germany, England and Spain. All but 8 are still unpublished,
and this may account for the previous neglect of a vital factor in any
discussion of the influence of Gregory VII and his circle.
(41) Here I want only to discuss the main trends. The total number of
texts having their source in the work of Gregory VII is about 185, a minute
number compared to the sum of the capitula in all the collections. But
the figures are even less promising than this when we examine the distribution
of the capitula as follows: -
nine collections
nil texts
nine collections
between 1 and 9 capp.
six collections
between 10 and 19 capp.
two collections
between 20 and 29 capp.
Finally, there is a solitary collection possessing 36 capitula from
Gregory VII.
(42) This unequal distribution means one thing: Gregory's influence
was not generally expressed in canonical collections, at least not directly.
Another thing to notice about
these texts is that the actual letters of Gregory VII are rarely cited, apart
from the letter to Hermann of Metz in 1081.
(43) The Dictatus pape appears in only two collections. The
majority of the texts are, in fact, synodal decrees taken from the three
councils held at Rome in Lent and Autumn 1078, and Lent 1080. What it really
comes to is this: the most significant influence Gregory seems to have had was
through the decrees of the Autumn Synod of 1078 ( = Reg. 6.5b). The
decrees most cited are cap. 7 laity to restore tithes to Church (nine
capitula); cap. 3 prohibition of lay investiture, and 13) every
Christian must make an offering at the mass (each in eight
capp.);
cap. 1 prohibition of holding
ecclesiastical estates without consent, 4) and 5) sale of prebends and
ordinations declared illicit and 9) no abbot to receive tithes without papal or
episcopal consent (each in seven Capp.); cap. 6 On False
penitence, 8) Sabbath observance, and 12) suspension of bishops who do not
punish clerical fornication (each in six capp.; cap. 10 no
bishop to impose burdens on clergy and religious (five capp.). From
other synods the most frequently cited decrees are the Lent Synod of 1078 (Reg.
5.14a), cap. 15 absolving subjects of excommunicated persons from their
oaths, and 10) allowing certain classes of people to deal with excommunicates.
From the Lent Synod of 1080 (Reg. 7.14a), capp. 1 and 2 prohibiting lay
investitures are the most cited. In a very concrete sense, this must be termed
the Gregorian reform programme. As the figures show, the total number of
citations was small and no one canonical collection was consistent in the
adoption of Gregorian texts.
One could find a reform
programme in the eleventh century - every bit as powerful as the one attributed
to Gregory VII - without reference to that pope at all. The collection is that
found in MS Vat. lat. 3829 which cites decretals chronologically under the
popes. Under Pope Nicholas I (with some texts from Nicholas II interpolated)
some 26 rubrics occur:
(44) these rubrics stress papal authority, e.g. cap. 1 Without the
consent of the Roman bishop there can be neither churches nor congregations, (2)
No one may judge the Roman bishop, and (4) A bishop cannot be deposed without
the consent of the apostolic see. They emphasize obedience to the Roman Church
(cap. 5), method of electing popes (capp. 6 and 7 = Nicholas
II), obedience of rulers, e.g. cap. 10 The Emperor is subject to the
Roman pontiff in all things. They order the election of bishops to be held by
bishops and clergy only (cap. 15); attendance of councils is made
compulsory unless for illness (cap. 18). The rubrics lay down penalties for
sorcery (21, 22), abortion (23), homicide (24), bigamy (25), and bestiality
(26). By contrast, the same collection cites Gregory only five times dealing
with excommunication of rulers who act unjustly, non-fidelity to excommunicates,
expulsion of bishops who do so communicate, and prohibition of lay investiture.
What it all points to is a movement towards reform but less ecclesiological,
less definite, and certainly not as Gregorian-oriented as formerly assumed.
1.
0. Capitani, "Esiste un 'Età Gregoriana'?
Considerazioni sulle tendenze di una storiografica medievistica,"Rivista di
Storia e Litteratura Religiosa I (1965), 454-481.
2.
Monnumenta Germanize Historica : Scriptores
(= MGH SS), IX, 295-6, Bk. 5, lines 255-267.
3.
Benzonis Episcopi Albensis ad Heinricum IV
Imperatorem Libri VIII, ed. K. Pertz, MGH
SS, XI, 664.27 (= Bk. VI, cap. 5), and 593 where Pertz brings together the
various terms used to describe Gregory VII.
4.
See Ekkehardi Chronicon Universale, an.
1074, MGH SS, VI, 201.3-6; cited by the Annales Magdeburgenses, an.
1074, MGH SS, XVI, 175.22-27.
5.
Petrus Pisanus, Gregorii VII Vita, an. 1084,
"Sed quid diabolus et antichristus Romse et in omnibus eius finibus est
operatus, longum est narrare," Watterich I, 306.
6.
See Annales Sancti Disibodi, MGH SS, XVII,
7.13-21.
7.
See G. B. Ladner, "Two Gregorian Letters: on the
Sources and Nature of Gregory VII Reform Ideology," S. Greg. 5 (1956),
221-242, here 225-242.
8.
Annales Ecclesiastici
(Rome 1598-1607), vol. 17 (1046-1093), ed.
A. Theiner (Angers 1869), 531.
9.
Historia de Vitis pontificum
(Venice 1504), p. lxxiii. 5, translated
into English by Sir Paul Rycaut (2nd edition, London 1688) in which see p. 215.
where Gregory is described as "the only Champion of the Church against Hereticks
and wicked Princes, who strove to make themselves Masters of the Churches
patrimony by violence." The Platyna text is also cited by the Vitae et Res
Gestm Pontificum Romanorum et S.R.E. Cardinalium ... auctoribus A. C. Biacensi,
F. C. Morali, A. V. Bassanensi (Rome 1630), 421-422.
10.
See P. F. Orlendius, Orbis Sacer et Profanus
Illustratus, Pars Secunda, Europam Complectens, vol I (Florence 1731),
560. See below, n. 25.
11.
For the Roman idea, see Ullmann, Principles of
Government, 36-39, and passim.
12.
Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (6 vols.,
1776.1788; Everyman Edition 1962), 6.465.
13.
W. Stubbs, Germany in the Early Middle Ages 476-1250,
ed. A. Hassall (1908; New York 1969), 164-165.
14.
L. Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis (Paris 1892), II, p.
xxi, 21.
15.
Abbé Rohrbacher, Histoire Universelle de L'Eglise
Catholique (Nouv. édit, Paris 1901), 7.292: Also L. Marion, Histoire de L'Eglise
(1907; Paris 1928), 353: "le plus grand de tous les Papes ... le sauveur de la
société."
16.
A History of Sacerdotal Celibacy (3rd edition
revised, London 1907), 287.
17.
For the text, see E. Caspar, Dos Register Gregors VII
in MGH Epp. Sel, ii, Berlin 1955 (reprint of the 1920 edition) = Reg. 2.55a,
201f. Also Gilchrist, "Canon Law Aspects," JEH, 13.25.
19.
J. B. Morrall, Political Thought in Medieval Times
(London 1958; 2nd edition, 1960), 32 comments on the indiscriminate
juxtaposition of maxims in the D.P.
20.
See P. Albers and R. Hedde, Manuel d'Histoire
Ecclésiastique (1908; Paris 1923), 432; H. K. Mann, The Lives of the Popes in
the Middle Ages, VII, The Popes of the Gregorian Renaissance (2nd edition,
London, 1925), 215-217.
21.
See Gilchrist, "Canon Law Aspects," JEH, 13.26. Also
F. Gontard, The Chair of Peter, tr. from German by A. J. and E. F. Peeler (New
York 1964), 235, who describes the theses as "like the booming of a great gong
in the history of the Roman Church."
>22. See the commentary of
the author of the De Unitate Eccclesiœ Conservanda, cap. 4, On Matth. 16.18, 19
(MGH Lib. de lite 2.188.40 - 190.25).
23.
See Capitani, art cit., RSLR, 1.454-455
24.
P. xiii.
25.
Ibid.
26.
Ibid., 457, 460, 462.
27.Ibid.,
478.
28.
Vol. 6, p. 761.
29.
Desiderii Dialogi de Miraculis Sancti Benedicti, III,
an. 1049-1054, MGH SS, XXX, 1143.10-19.
30.
See J. Gilchrist, "Cardinal Humbert of Silva-Candida
(d. 1061)," Annuale Medicevale 3 (1962), 29.42, espec. 34-36.
31.
J. Gilchrist, "Papal Registers," NCE, 10.977-978.
32.
G. B. Borino, "Note Gregoriane ... 12. Puo it Reg.
Vat. 2 ... essere il Registro della cancellaria?" S. Greg. 6 (1959-1961),
363-366 (also Nos. 13-16 = pp. 366-390), here 366, 369-380.
33.
C. R. Cheney, The Study of the Medieval Papal
Chancery (Glasgow 1966), 26-27, who cites Santifaller and Morghen.
34.
Hunt, Cluny, 145.
35.
MGH SS, XXIV, 190.41-42
36.
A. M. Stickler, Historia Iuris Canonici Latini I
Historio Fontium (Turin 1950), 177 and passim.
37.
C. G. Mor, "La reazione al 'Decretum Burchardi' in
Italia avanti la riforma Gregoriana," S. Greg. I (1947), 197-206, here 200-201.
38.
E.g. the Collection in Eight Parts (post 1100) of MS
Assisi 227, the Liber Sententiarum (1119-1124) of MS Florence, Laurenziana
(Bibl. Graddiana) Pluteus 89, sup. cod. 32, and the Collection in Seven Books
(1085-1090) of MS Bordeaux 11.
39.
Mor, S. Greg., 1.206.
40.
The text has already received considerable treatment;
cf. A. Michel, "Die antisimonistischen Reordinationen and eine neue
Humbert-Schrift,"
Romische Quartalschrift 46
(1938), 19-56, and subsequent authors (Autenrieth, Benson, Hoffmann, Miccoli,
etc.) have referred to it. But a measure of the need for a new study is that the
existing printed edition by Thaner (MGH, Libelli de Lite 1.5-7) is based on five
manuscripts, whereas the text exists in at least another sixteen MSS.
41.
The following collections are examined:
I - ITALIAN COLLECTIONS IN THE TIME OF GREGORY VII (1073-1085) -
i) Collection in 74 Titles - Diversorum patrum
sententie (1073-75) EMS Monte Cassino 522:] Stickler 167-70, ii) Anselm of
Lucca, Collectio Canonum (1083) (ed. F. Thaner, Innsbruck 1906-1915; Scientia
Verlag, Aalen 1965 - for Bk. I - XI cap. 15: MS Paris, BN 12519 for the
remaining as yet unpublished part) Stickler 170-172, iii) Collectio Canonum of
Cardinal Deusdedit (c. 1083-86) (ed. V. Wolf von Glanvell, Paderborn 1905;
Scientia Verlag, Aalen 1967) Stickler 172.174, iv) The so-called Collection in
Two Books (c. 1085) of MS Vat. lat. 3832 fed. J. Bernhard, La collection en deux
livres (Cod. Vat. lat. 3832) I (Strasbourg 1962)1: Stickler 175, A Garcia y
Garcia, Historia del Derecho Canonico I El Primer Milenio (Salamanca 1967) 314,
v) The Collectio Canonum (c. 1085) of MS Florence Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana
Ashburnham 1554: Stickler 175, Garcia y Garcia 316, vi) Collection of Vat. lat.
4977 (c. 1100): see P. Fournier, « Un groupe de recueils canoniques italiens des
Xº et XIº siècles », Mémoires de l'Institut National de France 40 (1916),
95-212, here 206-208.
II - ITALIAN COLLECTIONS AFTER 1085 - i)
Bonizo of Sutri, Liber de vita christiana (c. 1089.95) fed. E. Perels, Berlin
1930]: Stickler 174-175, Garcia y Garcia 314-315, ii) The Collection in Seven
Books (c. 1100) of MS Turin Bibl. Nazionale D IV 33: Stickler 187, Garcia y
Garcia 322. iii) The Polycarpus (1109-1113) in MS Paris, BN 3881: Stickler
178-179, Garcia y Garcia 318, iv) The Collection in Three Books (c. 1112) of MS
Vat. lat. 3831: Stickler 179, Garcia y Garcia 318, v) The Collection of Vat.
lat. 3829 (1118-1119) : Stickler 188.
III -NON-ITALIAN COLLECTIONS A. COLLECTIONS
INDEPENDENT OF IVO OF CHARTRES i) The Collectio Lanfranci of Cambridge, Trinity
College B 16.44 (1070-1089): Stickler 95, ii) The Collection (c. 1085) of MS
Paris BN. nouv. acq. lat. 326: Fournier-Le Bras II, 14, note 2, mistakenly lists
it as one of the MSS of the Collection in 74 Titles, iii) The Collection in Four
Books (c. 1085) compiled in France (MS Canterbury Cathedral Library B VII) :
Stickler 176, iv) The Collection in Three Books of MS Celle Oberlandesgericht
C.8 (c. 1100): S. Kuttner, Traditio 14 (1958) 509, v) The Collection in Seven
Books of the Liber Tarraconensis (1085-1090) compiled in South-west France (MS
Tarragona, Bibl. prov. 26): Stickler 176, Garcia y Garcia 316, vi) The
Collection in Seven Books (1085-1090) of MS Bordeaux 11: Stickler 176, Garcia y
Garcia 317, vii) The Collection in Thirteen Books (1090-1100) from France
(Poitou) of MS Berlin, Savigny 3: Fournier-LeBras II, 251-259, cf. J. Joseph
Ryan, "The Legatine Excommunication of Patriarch Michael Cerularius (1054) and a
new Document from the First Crusade Epoch," Studia Gratiana 14 (1967), 15-49,
here 23-24, viii) The Collection in Nine Books (c. 1110) of MS Paris Arsenal
721: Stickler 187, ix) The Liber Canonum of MS Rome, Bibl. Vallicelliana B 89.
B THE COLLECTIONS OF IVO OF
C COLLECTIONS DEPENDENT ON IVO OF CHARTRES i)
Collectio Caesaraugustana (1110-1120) probably compiled in North Spain,
Aquitaine or Burgundy (MS Vat. Barb. lat. 897) : Stickler 184-185, Garcia y
Garcia 351, ii) Liber de misericordia et justitia (c. 1094-1095) of Alger of
Liège (PL 180.857-968) : Stickler 192-193.
IV - Decretum of Gratian (c. 1141) (ed.
Friedberg,
42.
The Collection of Cardinal Deusdedit.
43.
Reg. 8.21 By contrast, the first letter Reg. 4.2
(Caspar 293-297) does not occur in any of the collections.
44.
Fols. 257 r-265v.